D570 



D 570 ■ 

.15 

Q495 ' American Defense Society, encouraged at vari- 

, steps taken by the Administration, Congress and 

Copy ughout the Nation on matters bearing on the war 

inst Germany and her Allies, and desiring that 

..«, war be prosecuted to definite victory, and the 

Nation solidified to that end, respectfully urges : 

That the Administration be Asked:— 

1. To Send an Overwhelming Force to France. 

2. To Intern Alien Enemies and Enemy Sympathizers 
Whose Conduct Imperils or Impedes the^War. . 

3. To Sequestrate All Property Owned by Enemy 
Non-Residents, Corporate or Individual* 

4. To Warn Germany that Departures by Her from 
the Rules of War Will Not be Endured. 

5. To Forbid the Publication of Newspapers and 
Magazines in the German Language During the 
War. 

That Congress Be Asked: — 

6. To declare that a State of War Exists with Aus- 
tria, Bulgaria and Turkey. 

7. To Expel Any Disloyal Members. 

8. To Enact a Law Prohibiting the Issuance of New 
Securities Except by Federal License. 

9. To Enact a Law Providing for the Universal Mili- 
tary Training of Americans Between the Ages of 
18 and 21. 

That It Be Recommended to the 
Various Authorities: — 

10. To Forbid the Compulsory Study of German In 
the Public Schools. 

American Defense Society, Inc. 

' ' National Headquarters 

44 East 23rd Street New York 



H570 
.15 



BrTmrntBt 
APR 26 1919 



The American Defense Society, encouraged by various steps 
taken by the Administration, Congress and throughout the 
Nation on matters bearing on the war against Germany and her 
Allies, and desiring that the war be prosecuted to definite 
victory, and the Nation solidified to that end, respectfully urges: 

That the Administration be Asked: — 

/. To Send an Overwhelming Force to France. 

Great Britain, with a population of 50,000,000, and France, with 
a population of 40,000,000, have already contributed approximately 
5,000,000 and 6,000,000 men respectively, and have borne the burd^ 
of the struggle for more than three years. If America should send 
even 10,000,000 men from its population of over 100,000,000, it 
would not be doing more than an equivalent share. For 
America to send an overwhelming force should also hasten Ger- 
many's realization of the hopelessness of her cause and materially 
shorten the war. The more men we send the fewer will be slain. 



Has America yet grasped the scale upon which the World war is being 
waged and the extent of the participation required of her? The ten 
allied nations, which are actively in the war include some 450,000,000 
people, while the four Central Powers include 175,000,000 people — a 
total of 625,000,000 people at war. The fighting men under arms since 
the war began number about 45,000,000, of whom 15,000,000 have been 
killed, wounded, missing or retired. This leaves 30,000,000, men now 
under arms. Considering these figures, is America doing her share if 
she should send only one million men abroad by the summer of 1918, when 
the fifth year of the war begins? To transform a peaceful nation of 
100,000,000 people into a fighting nation of 100,000,000 people is a stu- 
pendous task. Is America doing all it should? France has sent 6,000,000 
men, 15% of her population, England has sent over 5,000,000 men, 10% 
of her population. On that basis America should put in the war from 
10,000,000 to 15,000,000 men, or every man physically fit or who could 
be made physically fit between 1 8 and 45 years of age. 

Today Germany is ahead in the war, she has overrun Belgium, Northern 
France, Poland, Serbia, Rumania and Northern Italy and increased the 
number of people she controls from 68,000,000 to over 200,000,000. Mod- 
ern wars are fought not by armies alone, but by the entire economic 
forces of nations. Germany, disregardinging international law, compels 
conquered peoples to work for her on pain of death. Hence, despite 
great losses during three and a half years of war, she is in some respects 
stronger than when the war started. 



To send even two million men abroad instead of one million men means 
training more officers, building more ships, training more sailors, manu- 
facturing more munitions, raising and sending more food, enlisting the 
labor of millions of women in munition factories and on farms to replace 
the men and finally financing such armies. Can it be done? America 
answers unhesitatingly — yes. Is it necessary that it be done? America 
answers that the war must be won , that life would be unendurable under 
Boche domination, that to give our all, of lives and treasures, is not too 
great a price to pay for our liberties. It is not possible to evade any of 
of the burden by entering the war slowly. The last public saying of the 
late Joseph H. Choate comes to mind, "For God's sake, hurry up!" as 
also Major Gardner's famous address "Wake up America." Let 
us realize this truth. For America to send an overwhelming force to 
Europe will hasten Germany's realization of the hopelessness of her cause 
and materially shorten the war. The quicker we put our full strength 
irto the war, the sooner it will be over. The more men we send, the 
fewer will be slain. We must, as a loyal member of Congress emphatically 
said: "Give notice to the world that we will arm and train as many men 
as are necessary to bring victory" (and he called for 6,000,000 men). 
Before this war is over we shall need them. This is not to be a short and 
prosperous war, but a long, bloody and determined struggle. Let us do our 
full share as soon as may be or we shall but prolong if not endanger it. 

2. To Intern Alien Enemies and Enemy Sympathizers 
Whose Conduct Imperils or Impedes the War, 

The interning of aggressive Pro-German sympathizers, whether 
German citizens or not, we believe should be followed up with in- 
creased vigor. England allowed Germans and German sympathizers 
at large for about a year, then interned 70,000 and the malicious 
plots and propaganda ceased. 



It is but waste of time to here recite the long list of explosions and in- 
cendiary conflagrations which have marked the path of Germany in the 
United States since we went to war. Every munition factory blown up 
here will lengthen the war and will cost the lives of more of our men. If 
enough munition factories are blown up here we shall lose the war. It is 
the merest question of common prudence to intern as rapidly as possible 
and as completely as possible those alien enemies resident among us who 
are at present conducting war against us, here in the United States, and 
who actively aid the enemy. It is well understood that the slight funds 
and the few agents at its disposal has hampered the Secret Service of 
the United States in accomplishing results. Greater facilities for investi- 
gation and for prompt action should be placed at the disposal of this 
branch of the Government. It is understood that it has not been ex- 
panded on anything like a sufficient scale to enable it to deal with the 
situation. We are playing at war, that is, at modern war. We are appar- 
ently not alive to the fact that Germany is conducting war today through- 



out the United States. Until our alien enemies are safely locked up the 
explosions and the burnings will continue. The supineness of the 
administration in this respect is but the natural reflex of the supineness 
of the people. It cannot be expected that the Government will act 
energetically as to any matter — where so many matters call for its atten- 
tion — unless the people realize the peril involved therein and bring it to 
the Government's attention. In one respect the Government has been 
remiss, however, in that it has not called the attention of the public to the 
great aggregate of losses which we have suffered during the past eight 
months. An official list of the destruction of munitions, food, and fac- 
tories in the United States should be published broadcast and kept up 
to date. If called to the people's attention in the staggering mass, the 
response would be immediate and overwhelming. Every day sees in 
some quarter of the United States a diminution of our resources for war, 
directly traceable to the foreign foe. We are sitting on the door-step 
and watching the house burn down. It seems incredible that we should 
not have learned by the experiences of France and England or that with 
the knowledge of their experience we should not have profited by it. It 
is most distinctly for the defense of the land that alien enemies and sym- 
pathizers should be interned in ever increasing numbers. War is not a 
mere name. It is an actuality. Its conduct by Germany is not limited 
to her fighting lines. Must we wait until we are defeated to then fatuously 
say "had we only understood we could have won." Making speeches, 
passing resolutions and even knitting sweaters is not all of conducting 
war, neither is it all of conducting self defense. 

3. To Sequestrate All Property Owned by Enemy 
N on- Residents $ Corporate or Individual. 

The entire German nation approved the German attempt to seize 
by force of arms the territory and wealth of other nations. Ger- 
many and her subjects have or had investments amounting to several 
thousand million dollars in America. We believe all such property 
should be held as a fund available for indemnification after the war. 



This has been begun. A custodian has been appointed whose duties 
cover in part the need. The German Insurance Companies have been 
stopped as to continuing in business. Unfortunately the matter is today 
largely in the ineffective stage. Unfortunately just enough has been 
undertaken to induce a belief that the subject is being attended to. The 
Act is not sufficiently comprehensive: the duties of the custodian are not 
made sufficiently mandatory and are not sufficiently detailed. 

The Hon. Mitchell Palmer who has been appointed the Alien Property 
Custodian, appointed as his chief counsel Mr. Moritz Rosenthal, a part- 
ner of the banking firm of Ladenburg, Thalmann & Co. Mr. Moritz 
Rosenthal had not practiced law for a number of years, during the past 
seven years he had been in active business as a banker. Recently he has 
resigned. Let us hope his successor will be an efficient lawyer. 



It is not creditable to the efficiency of our people that this essential 
matter should not be conducted in a thorough manner. 

Dr. Heinrich Albert and Count Bernstorff if filling similar positions 
in Germany, we feel sure, would have been a great lesson to the Hon. 
Mitchell Palmer as to the most efficient manner of proceeding. The 
funds sequestered will no longer be available to Germany with which to 
conduct war within the United States or to pay over to Holland or other 
neutrals for feed for cattle and for food. We have had too much use, for 
arson and murder, of German funds in this country. 

4, To Warn Germany that Departures by Her from 
the Rules of War Will Not be Endured. 

The examples that Germany has given of the course which the 
doctrine of military necessity has impelled her to follow, surely 
justify such a warning, and if given we may look for an adhering 
on her part to civilized warfare. As it will protect our forces in the 
field and our people both at home and on the high seas, is it not 
better to warn now than to be compelled to act later. 



This seems such a self evident proposition that it were waste of time to 
exploit its propriety. The Germans project flames. Shall we in reply 
sprinkle rose-water? The Germans bomb hospitals. Shall we in answer 
scatter cough-drops upon them? The Germans drown non-combatants. 
Shall we appoint life-saving patrols for German sea-side resorts on the 
Baltic? The Germans crucify captives. Shall we send them a con- 
signment of planks and nails? The Germans blow up our munition 
factories. Shall we continue to release spies and traitors on bail, and a 
year after try them before civil courts, and after the war when the judg- 
ment is affirmed by the highest court send them to Atlanta for six months? 

When warring with barbarous tribes the proffering of hymn books and 
the singing of psalms have been usually found to amaze and restrain 
them only for a brief and inconsiderable period of time. One says 
"Naughty, naughty," to a little puppy dog because he cannot do any 
great amount of injury; but "slapping a tiger on the wrist" has usually 
been regarded as an example of the triumph of hope over experience. 
Also when the lion and the lamb have lain down together, the lamb has, 
heretofore, invariably been inside the lion. Germany will cease when 
she is made to cease, not before; all the pacifists to the contrary notwith- 
standing. The German people will be ordered by their rulers to cease 
from barbarity only when the rulers fear the effects on the German people 
of reprisals. The German rulers are careful, astute, calculating rulers; 
they have the wit, the intelligence, the shrewdness and the lack of shame 
of other barbarian rulers. They know well when they can act without 
detriment to themselves and with loss to their enemy and also when it is 
more politic to be humane. They must be shown that it is more politic 
to be humane. Also we need death for spies in this country. 



5. To Forbid the Publication of Newspapers and 
Magazines In the German Language During 
the War. 

Similar laws were passed in England and France immediately after 
the declaration of war. Besides minimizing the danger of disloyal 
utterances, such a law would we believe diminish Teutonic influence 
in the United States and hasten the Americanization of our foreign 
population of Teutonic origin. 



Those who have followed the German papers proclaim them generally 
insidiously disloyal. The absurdity of having them file "ready made" 
translations of political articles is perhaps as blatant a piece of nonsense 
as ever was imposed upon a simple minded people. If serious in 
intent its folly cries to heaven. If it operate to delude the people 
into a false feeling of security it is still more objectionable. But the 
more important view, for the future, is to make our German citizens be- 
come American in thought and language. The experience of Canada 
with her quasi-French "Quebecois" is before our eyes. It is offensive 
to all loyal Americans that the enemy should have a hundred daily organs 
circulated here. Flaunted in our faces. Have loyal citizens no feelings 
to be consulted in this matter? We are singularly tender of the feelings 
of the foe meanwhile our own are to die abroad betrayed at home by Ger- 
man newspapers and scorned as the soldiers of a weakling land by Ger- 
many abroad. Is there a single German paper that stands squarely for 
"Democracy in Germany?" That is the test of their loyalty to America. 
Is democracy in Germany our war aim or not? What excuse can be found 
for thus allowing them to aid and comfort the enemy within our gates. 
The government counts on the loyalty of Americans and seems to 
almost pamper our domestic foes. How long will people be willing to 
die for such folly. Let the government keep the people loyal by 
encouraging loyalty not by making treason easy and also profitable. 
Russia's experience with insidious German propaganda is before our 
eyes. Italy's also. How long will Congress play with the safety of 
the land? 



That Congress be Asked: — 

6. To Declare that a State of War Exists with Austria, 
Bulgaria and Turkey. 

Austria, Bulgaria and Turkey have been practically absorbed for 
all warlike purposes by Germany. Their active co-operation in war 
with Germany demands, we believe, such action on our part against 
them. Many Austrians have been active in plots against the United 
States. There is not alone impropriety but also peril in the continu- 
ation of Bulgaria's Embassy. It is intolerable that America should 
not assume the fullest championship of the unhappy Armenians by 
declaring war on the butchers of her helpless people. 



This is now being done as to Austria. Why not as to Turkey? Why 
not as to Bulgaria? Must we wait for a repetition of the evils arising from 
our eight months hesitancy as to Austria before we come to our conclusions 
as to Turkey, as to Bulgaria, Do we imagine that the Bulgarian embassy 
at Washington is an association to promote our interests. Do we deem 
that Turkey is so simple as to regard herself as at peace with the United 
States and to conduct herself accordingly. There can be no mysterious 
reasons unfit for the public to know — too deep for it to understand and 
comprehend. The shibboleth of "diplomacy" which is the only sug- 
gestion made is too puerile in the face of active war to stand as a reason. 
Congress should act, to defend the nation in this, as in all other matters, 
after open debate and valid reasons given. If there be reason let it appear. 
None has as yet been stated. Lethargy or timidity or a wholly false 
dream born of idealism, is not an effective method wherewith to meet the 
the common foe. Action at home is more necessary even than action 
abroad. For the latter we can depend upon the army and the navy, for 
the former we depend upon on our own intelligent determined resolution 
not to imperil the result by our own stupidity. You cannot fight with 
paper bullets. 

AS TO BULGARIA 

This country can have no sympathy with the Bulgarian Government 
which has betrayed all friends in turn, Russia (its liberator) Serbia, and 
Greece (its allies) France and England (its friends). Bulgaria is owned 
and controlled by Germany. Its King is Austrian. It is the subservient 
tool of the Central Powers and yet we allow its Minister to stay in Wash- 
ington where he can carry on a propaganda against us. 

Besides any pro-German propaganda by Bulgaria which the legation 
at Washington can carry on, it carries on one against our allies the 
Roumanians. A propaganda to retain the Dobruja on the ground that 
its people are Bulgars. There are some Turks left in the Dobruja and 
Bulgaria now claims that these hereditary enemies of their race are Bulgars . 



Bulgarian propaganda in regard to Macedonia also threatens the in- 
terests of both Greece and Serbia, the story is too long to give. 
All we need remember is that Bulgarian propaganda is aimed against 
Serbia, Greece and Roumania, three states now in the war on our side. 

Since Russia no longer holds back any large German forces where 
will the men and guns thus made free be used. We do not know, 
but many think that heavy blows may soon be expected on the Salonika 
front. The Allied Council will have to decide in that event from whence 
to send re-enforcements to that front. It may well happen that American 
troops in France would be most available for that duty, but if we are not 
at war with Bulgaria we cannot send them. 

We tie our hands by not declaring war against Bulgaria and in a way 
that may be fatal and we also permit dangerous propaganda to be car- 
ried on against those who are fighting with us and whom we should help 
and protect to the utmost. 

The Bulgars and the Turks may send troops to any part of the Western 
front at any time, in fact they may have already done so, (it is said that there 
are now Bulgarian troops in Italy). That is one essential reason why we 
should declare war. We should also declare war because it will help us by 
helping our friends — the Serbs, the Roumanians and the Greeks. 

AS TO TURKEY: 

Why prate of humanity and seek to placate the unspeakable Turk. 
All language fails in the attempt to describe the self sufficient folly 
of thinking that the Turk who spares neither youth, age nor sex, who 
burns, slays, murders, ravishes, sells into slavery, tortures: is quite such 
a simpleton as to be deceived into being good by gentle treatment. Four 
hundred years thereof have not changed him — but a miracle forsooth is 
now to be wrought! The nature of that particular sub-species of the 
genus homo is now to be modified in the face of a 2000 years racial develop- 
ment by weaning him from his race heritage and his natural allegiance to 
Germany's program by a few kind words. 

7. To Expel Any Disloyal Members. 

What was properly tolerated as freedom of speech before America 
entered the war is now intolerable treason. It is surely folly to dis- 
tinguish betv/een the treason which acts and the treason which 
speaks when both are designed to effect, and do effect, a weakening 
of the nation's efforts in war. Why send the nation's youth to the 
battlefield, and at the same time permit any man to set back-fires 
from the vantage point of high position — back-fires which will bring 
death to increasing thousands of our men by weakening support 
from behind the lines and by strengthening the enemy to renewed 
endeavor. 



We are at war. Our enemy, skilled, powerful and brutal, has arrayed 
itself against democracy and human liberty. To defeat this enemy our 



men by hundreds of thousands are loyally going to the front to offer their 
lives in their country's cause, while our women, children, and non-com- 
batant men are as loyally offering service and treasure behind the lines. 
Upon the loyal Americans rests the shame for any foolish utterances of 
their public servants in high places, and they must suffer the losses and 
misfortunes brought upon the country by any foolish acts these public 
servants may commit. It is, therefore, their right and their duty to 
insist upon loyal and patriotic service on the part of all public officials, 
and to demand and secure the retirement of any who fail to render such 
service. 

During the Civil War House and Senate acted promptly to make their 
organization effective for war. The active committees were put under 
the direction of chairmen who believed in saving the Republic and who 
gave evidence of their belief. Disloyal members of the House or Senate 
who did not resign, but who continued to oppose the national purpose, 
were expelled; and if any remained they were obliged to keep their 
utterances in line with the loyal purpose and the loyal action of the 
country. 

Early in 1861 the Senate expelled John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, 
on the ground that he was organizing in his home State troops to oppose 
the government of the Republic. Early in 1862 Jesse D. Bright of Iowa, 
was expelled because of his action in sending a letter to Jefferson Davis 
recommending a friend as in a position to be of service to the newly insti- 
tuted Confederacy. Later in the same year the Senate expelled Trusten 
Polk and Waldo P. Johnson of Missouri, for disloyal utterances and for 
encouraging the citizens of their State to take up arms against the govern- 
ment. In the House, H. C. Burnett of Kentucky, J. W. Reid of Mis- 
souri, and J. B. Clark of Missouri were expelled early in 1861 for similar 
utterances and activities, Other disloyal members, realizing that Con- 
gress was determined to retain in its membership only men who could 
be trusted, promptly sent in their resignations. 

We call upon the Senate and the House of Representatives to take 
similar action to-day. The people of the Nation, by mass meeting and 
by petition, have passed resolutions demanding the expulsion of Robert 
M. La Follette. La Follette has preached sedition. He has opposed 
the organization of the National Army. He has discouraged subscrip- 
tions to the national bonds, upon the sale of which depends the security 
of the Nation and the triumph of its cause. He has shown himself ready 
to help the paid spies and agents of Germany in their efforts to discourage 
and to undermine the righteous purpose of the people. There should 
be no place in the Senate for a man of this stamp. 

Our national legislature must be purged from disloyalty and organized 
for war action. In no other way can the Republic be maintained, its 
rights and liberties defended, and its obligations in the world struggle 
fulfilled. To permit disloyalty in high places is to encourage disloyalty 
and sedition throughout the country and to betray those who in fighting 
the Nation's battles abroad are dependent for their lives upon loyal sup- 
port at home. 



8. To Enact a Law Prohibiting the Issuance of New 
Securities Except by Federal License. 

The National Defense Council has recently declared that new 
issues should be limited to conserve the financial resources of the 
nation for national use. We believe it would be wise to have this 
recommendation embodied in a law. A similar law was adopted in 
England early in the war under the system of licensing all issues actu- 
ally justifiable and useful in time of war has produced beneficial re- 
sults. Issues to refund maturing securities should be excepted. 

During the single month of November 1917 the new corporations formed 
in the United States represented a capital of nearly $375,000,000. This 
was $100,000,000 more than in November 1916 and $130,000,000 more 
than in 1915. In October 1917 the amount of new capitalization was 
even greater. These figures do not include borrowings, they are cor- 
poration capitalizations. They represent for us to-day a grave perils 
England's experience we should profit by. For the year 1917 the figure, 
for this country are a billion and a quarter more than 1916 and two and 
a half billion more than in 1915. Comment is unnecessary . 

Every prominent financier who has spoken on this subject has advised 
that the banking community "discourage loans to non-essential enterprises." 
This means the doing by voluntary consent of that which we advocate 
should be done by regulation. The one matter of overwhelming impor- 
tance to-day is the conservation of all our resources of all kinds to war 
purposes. As a prominent financier said in a public address recently 
'economy and saving in non-essentials means the release of labor and 
'material to the Government and this I consider an absolutely essential 
'measure. I am convinced that until we grasp this principle, until we 
'sacrifice those things which we can easily do without, we are not going 
'to make any real progress." 

Another prominent financier said publicly recently: "Not a wheel should 
'turn in a factory. Not a wheel should turn — except to attain the great 
'end now in view; and which is essential to be attained in order that all 
'wheels in all industries shall be enabled to turn; that the war shall be won." 
Any enterprise which desires to expand by utilizing new capital should 
be, if those interested are loyal, entirely willing to submit its proposals 
to a licensing board and if it be found that the utilization of the desired 
amount of capital in the proposed enterprise would be detrimental to the 
interests of the United States, by tending to exhaust available capital 
necessary for war purposes, those interested should be glad to postpone 
action until such action can be taken without injuring the land in its prose- 
cution of the war. 

The Secretary of the Treasury has said: "The government must if 
necessary absorb the supply of new capital available for investment in 
the United States during the war. This in turn makes it essential that 
unnecessary capital expenditure should be avoided in public and private 
enterprises. Some form of regulation of new capital expenditures should 
be provided." 



9. To Enact a Law Providing for the Universal Mili- 
tary Training of Americans Between the Ages of 
18 and 21. 

The American Defense Society was the first of the patriotic societies 
to publicly urge the universal military training of young Americans and 
it has always stood for this principle. A Bill is about to be introduced 
into Congress providing for twelve months of military training for men 
between the ages of 18 and 21 years, the twelve months to be put in at 
any time during the three year period, possibly in three periods (winter 
for country boys, summer for city boys) of four months each. This 
training would equip our youth for quick adaptability for war service. 
The splendid physical improvement of the young Americans now under 
military training proves that universal military training would result in 
immense physical advantage to the men and to the land as well as in the 
mental and moral benefits the acquisition of habits and obedience and 
discipline. If rightly administered and combined with an understanding 
of our institutions and the principles upon which they are founded, such 
training will not lead to militarism in the Prussian sense, but to a true 
conception of the value of organized self respecting liberty, which can 
exist only where there is the will to defend it. Such a law may be con- 
sidered an adjunct to the present draft law in that this preliminary mili- 
tary training will help the men to learn the art of war when they are 
drafted. It will also supply the officers more rapidly. It is probable 
that an amendment to the draft bill will be passed calling out the men 
who have become 21 since the Bill went into effect and that act should 
provided for this preliminary training of our youth. 



That It Be Recommended to the Various Au- 
thorities: — 

10. To Forbid the Compulsory Study of German In 
the Public Schools. 

In the past the study of German in the public schools has unques- 
tionably been due to political rather than to educational influences. 
The widespread study of German by immature minds tends to Teu- 
tonize American children, and delays the Americanization of children 
of German parentage. This is now recognized and German is being 
voluntarily dropped in many schools of the United States where it 
has heretofore been compulsory. 



The appalling and complete moral break-down of German "Kultur" 
compels a sweeping revision of the attitude of civilized nations and in- 
dividuals toward the German language, literature and science. The 
close scrutiny of German thought induced by Hun "f rightfulness" in this 



10 



war has revealed abhorrent inherent qualities hitherto unknown, and to 
most people unsuspected. William Archer's "Gems (?) of German 
Thought" packs into one small volume 501 quotations from about 100 
German authors of our own times, and they damn the German "Kultur" 
and "Geist" past all redemption. They reveal heights of egotism and 
greed of conquest, depths of mental depravity and mistaken bases of 
thought inspiration that are the hallmarks of savagery; and in claiming 
partnership with the Divine they blaspheme the name of God. 

The perusers of those "Gems", from the pens of Germany's foremost 
leaders of thought, become filled with an unutterable loathing for every- 
thing German. The Germanic idols, once worshipped by many 
good Americans have, one and all, been cast down into the dirt, and 
smashed into fragments. Come what may hereafter, it now is utterly 
beyond the power of human beings to put the Hun "Humpty Dumpty" 
together again. "German Kultur" is going to be wiped off the American 
slate. No one need promote it; no power on earth can prevent its doom. 

Americans are refusing to listen to German singers or to German opera. 
How could it be otherwise? Already the German language is being 
turned out of American schools and colleges. Why not? What Amer- 
ican parent will be willing to have his children pervert their instincts by 
learning a tongue the literature of which has produced such dire results 
as has the German language. Any language the reading of whose liter- 
ature produces such ravening wolves, mad-dogs and wolverines as com- 
pose the German army and navy is to be avoided. Shall we ask the 
people of Arizona to teach the language of the Apaches in their public 
schools? Why not? Because with it the children would absorb its ideals. 
And yet the Apaches never practiced one-half the long list of cruelties, 
brutal and "refined", that the officers and men of the German army and 
navy have practiced, — and gloried in their infamy. 

Hereafter, throughout every English-speaking country on the globe, 
the German language will be a dead language! There are Americans who 
today will not permit anyone to speak German in their presence. The 
prohibition is absolutely right. 

The German language must and shall be thrown out of all public schools 
in America. That step upward can be better taken wholesale than left 
to any slow process. Why waste time and money on a language to util- 
ize which will be corrupting to our young people and children. After 
the war it is only the people who are to-day traitors, pacifists and slackers 
who will have anything to do with Germany. The sound of the German 
language will be to-morrow even more loathesome than it is to-day. Out 
with it, forever! 



11 



Furthermore : — 

Believing that an inconclusive Peace would be an insult to those 
who have fallen in this war and a betrayal of the living and that such 
a Peace would infallibly lead to future wars, this SOCIETY hereby 
declares, THAT IT IS FIRMLY IN FAVOR OF PROSECUTING 
THE WAR TO A SATISFACTORY AND DEFINITE CON- 
CLUSION AND THEREBY DESTROY GERMANY'S POWER 
FOR INTERNATIONAL EVIL. 

In his address before the Congress of the United States on the 4th of 
December, 1917, President Wilson said: 

"Our object is, of course, to win the war, and we shall not slacken 
or suffer ourselves to be diverted until it is won. But it is worth 
while asking and answering the question: When shall we consider 
the war won? 

"We shall regard the war only as won when the German people 
say to us, through properly accredited representatives, that they 
are ready to agree to a settlement based upon justice and the repara- 
tion of the wrongs their rulers have done. They have done a wrong 
to Belgium, which must be repaired. They have established a power 
over other lands and peoples than their own — over the great empire 
of Austria-Hungary, over hitherto free Balkan States, over Turkey, 
and within Asia — which must be relinquished." 
In these terms the President epitomized the objectives of the United 
States and in his last address has gone into greater detail. 

We must now concentrate on winning the war. We should not divert 
our efforts to attempts to further detail terms of settlement at every 
insincere demand from German sources. 

Reparation for the past, adequate assurances for the future and lawful 
liberty to all are our objectives. Until by force of arms we attain a position 
from which we can ensure the fulfillment of these objectives all thoughts, 
words or deeds not directed to winning the war would be beside the mark . 
They would decrease the concentration of our energies on winning the war. 
If we win the war; the attainment of our objectives will duly follow. But 
if we make an inconclusive peace we neither win the war nor attain our 
objectives. 

Prussian autocracy in 1870 and 1871 gained dominion over Southern 
Germany by forcing it to join in war against France. Thus the German 
Empire was welded together for the Prussian autocrats by Bismarck's 
policy of "blood and iron." 

Prussian Middle-Europe is an accomplished fact to-day. From the 
North Sea and the Baltic to the Black Sea and Mediterranean the 
German Kaiser is supreme lord and all within his domains are his vassals. 
By repeating in 1914 the methods of 1870 the Kaiser has increased the 
number of his subjects by about one hundred million. The first object 
for which the Prussian autocracy started this war has been accomplished. 
If peace be made while Berlin controls Vienna, it will be the greatest vic- 

12 



tory for Germany in her entire history. It will make secure to her the 
means to her further aims. 

The German Admiral, von Goetzen at Manila in 1898 stated to Ad- 
miral Dewey: 

"About fifteen years from now (1913) my country will start a great 
war. She will be in Paris about two months after the commence- 
ment of hostilities. Her move on Paris will be but a step to her real 
object — the crushing of England. Some months after we finish 
our work in Europe we will take New York, and probably Washing- 
ton, and hold them for some time. We will put your country in its 
place with reference to Germany. We do not purpose to take any 
of your territory, but we do intend to take a billion or so of your 
dollars from New York and other places. The Monroe Doctrine 
will be taken charge of by us, and we will dispose of South America 
as we wish. Don't forget this, about fifteen years from now!" 

The peoples of the world cannot conclude this war on any terms which 
leave Germany her present control over Austria-Hungary and the adjacent 
countries. The settlement must be such as not to permit her to again 
acquire control over them or any other large mass of people the natural 
resources of whose territory would make Germany self-sufficient to carry 
on a modern war, — unless we would bequeath to our children a worse 
war than the present horror. 

Germany has won her first objective, the creation of "Middle-Europe." 
We know from her authorities that they plan this as a way-station in the 
journey to World Dominion. To prevent this latter we must loosen from 
her domination those she would consolidate for use in her next war. 

She is not beaten, but only baffled and staggering. We have intelli- 
gence enough to realize her aims, and self-sacrifice enough to fight to the 
victory necessary to save our country's future. We must finish the job 
half done for us by the hosts who have died for their and our homes. 
They have done their task even unto the supreme sacrifice of death. We 
owe it to them that they shall not have died in vain. We owe it to our- 
selves; if we prove "quitters" our children will justly call us traitors to 
the dead and sacrificers of the unborn. 

The present German Government must be destroyed from within Ger- 
many or from without; Germany must turn on her false leaders or the 
forces of civilized law and order must press on until the end. 

A hundred years ago Napoleon said of the Hohenzollerns: 

"As long as this house reigns and until the red cap of liberty is 
erected in Germany, there will be no peace in Europe." 

If a great autocrat could see this so clearly, why cannot we? Lloyd 
George has epitomized the problem in the following words: 

"Our real enemy is the war spirit fostered in Prussia. There will 
be no peace in the world until the shrine of the war spirit in Potsdam 
is shattered and its priesthood is dispersed and discredited forever." 

13 



When the Prussian autocracy shall have been cast out, the settlement 
will have to be made. The edifices torn down by Germany in her mad 
orgy of aggression must be replaced; compensation must be made. 

When Prussia beat France to her knees in 1871 Bismarck took from her 
"an indemnity"; he made France "indemnify" him for having forced her 
to make war against Germany! It was not an "indemnity"; it was a 
ransom, which paid the cost of the war to Germany and left her a profit 
as well. Such has been the Prussian plan as of all similar governments — 
to make war support for centuries war. 

Bred to this belief a war "indemnity" means a "profit" to the German 
mind. They cannot conceive of a victor who would have magnanimity 
— the humanity not to exact the utmost profit from the vanquished. 
They do not, therefore, distinguish between the possibility of having to 
pay a profit if they surrender, — a profit such as they themselves would 
exact, — and having to make reparation. 

But we seek no "profitable" indemnities, no punitive indemnities, 
reparation and restoration for deliberate evil wrought falls under neither 
of such heads. 

Meanwhile the supreme requirement of the settlement of this war is 
that there shall be adequate assurances of the safety of the world from 
repetition of German aggression. In the words of President Wilson: 

"We are fighting for the liberty, the self-government and the undic- 
tated development of all peoples, and every feature of the settlement 
that concludes this war must be conceived and executed for that pur- 
pose. Wrongs must first be righted and then adequate safeguards 
must be created to prevent their being committed again. We ought 
not to consider remedies merely because they have a pleasing sonorous 
sound. Practical questions can be settled only by practical means. 
Phrases will not accomplish the result. Effective readjustments will; 
and whatever readjustments are necessary must be made. 

"But they must follow a principle, and that principle is plain., 
No'people must be forced under a sovereignty under which it does not 
wish to live. No territory must change hands except for the purpose 
of securing those who inhabit it a fair chance of life and liberty. 
No indemnities must be insisted on except those that constitute pay- 
ment for manifest wrongs done. No readjustments of power must 
be made except such as will tend to secure the future of the world 
and the future welfare and happiness of its peoples." 

Reparation for the past, safety for the future and lawful liberty to all 
are the essential terms of settlement. 

If world liberty is not won this ghastly struggle is barren of result. 

If safety be not won we then, for present ease, betray the dead and the 
future. 

If reparation be not made we encourage aggression in the hope of plun- 
der. 

14 



As our feet travel the long, hard road to "Peace" our thoughts will be 
prone to jump to the goal. But to think of that now may divert concen- 
tration from our present task. If we dream of our goal we may be lured 
into some false resting place, some fool's paradise. If we would avoid 
all such pitfalls, if we would attain the goal we must now devote our 
energies wholly to the task of reaching it. When we have earned victory 
we shall have leisure to consider how to secure lawful liberty, safety and 
reparation. 

American Defense Society 

44 East 23rd Street, New York City 



OUR PLATFORM 

Universal Service by Citizens — at the front or at home 

Universal Military Training 

Adequate Military Forces, on Land, at Sea and in the Air 

An American Merchant Marine 

The Enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine 

Government Co-operation with Business 

The World safe for Democracy 



OUR PROGRAM 

Exposure of German Atrocities 

The Putting Down of Sedition in the United States 

The Suppression of German Inspired Peace Propaganda 

Stopping of all Trade with the Enemy, directly or through neutral 

channels 
The Enforcement of the Death Penalty in America against spies and 

traitors 
The Defeat of Germany 



15 



What Is Everybody's Business Is 
Nobody's Business, And Hence 
The American Defense Society 



Our boys are facing death at the front, and all the energies and re- 
sources of the nation must be concentrated upon the task of winning the 
war. Whatever is done to delay the winning of the war will cost us dear 
in blood and treasure. 

The speedy termination of the war is delayed by the activities of spies, 
traitors and disloyal pacifists. In our midst are alien enemies plotting 
to blow up ships and munition plants, burn wharves and supply depots, 
and ready to undertake any act of frightfulness which will hinder our 
work of preparation, endanger the lives of our soldiers and sailors and 
impoverish our nation. Their purpose in such acts is to prolong the war. 

These sinister hostilities cannot be met and defeated by the govern- 
ment alone. It is absolutely necessary that loyal citizens throughout 
the country shall cooperate with the government authorities to the 
fullest extent. 

It is everybody's business to report treason and lawlessness, to investi- 
gate suspicious circumstances, and to give pitiless publicity to wrongs 
which can only be righted by concerted public opinion. 

It is a voluntary organization of patriotic citizens for the purpose of 
doing collectively those duties necessary for national defense which in- 
dividuals are likely to leave undone. The Society is a national center to 
which information of all kinds is brought. It can make an orderly 
distribution of tasks, it can speak effectively to the constituted authori- 
ties and it can by means of propaganda, mobilize public sentiment for 
concerted action. 

If you are a loyal American, and doing fearlessly and untiringly all 
you can possibly do alone for the safety of your country and the winning 
of the war, you need the American Defense Society as an implement to 
make your personal efforts more effective. If you are a loyal American 
and are not doing all the things that you think should be done for the 
protection of your country and the winning of the war, you first of all 
owe your financial support to the American Defense Society. You 
should make your money work for you through this instrumentality and 
the measure of your contribution should be the measure of your interest 
in this work. 

There is an application blank on the cover of this pamphlet. 

16 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



American Defense S 

National Headquartc 002 333 897 ft 

44 East 23d Street, New York 

Our Slogan: Serve at the Front or Serve at Home 

HONORARY PRESIDENT 

Hon. Theodore Rooseyelt, Ex-President of the United States 



HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS 



Hon. David Jayne Hill, 



Hon. Perry Belmont, 

Vice-President, Navy League 



Ex- Ambassador to Germany Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, 



Hon. Robert Bacon, 



Ex-Attorney^eneral, U.S. Hudson Maxim, 



Henry B. Joy, 

President, Lincoln Highway Assn. 



Ex- Ambassador to France John Grier Hibben, 

President, Princeton University 



BOARD OF TRUSTEES 

James D. Ellsworth 
George Ethridge 
Bradley A. Fiake, 
Rear-Admiral, U. S. N., Retired 
Wm. H. Gardiner, 

Considting Engineer 
Percy Stickney Grant, 
Rector, Ch. of the Ascension, N. Y. 
William Guggenheim 
De Forest Hicks, Banker 
Edwin 0. Holter, Attorney 
William T. Hornaday, 

Director, N. Y. Zoological Park 
George A. Hurd, 

President, Mortgage Bond Co. 
Douglas W. Johnson, 

Professor, Columbia University 
Luther B. Little, Insurance 



Member Naval Advisory Board 



Richard M. Hurd, Chairman 
President, Lawyers Mortgage Co. 

George B. Agnew 

Robert Appleton, Publisher 

Bartlett Arkell, 
President, Beech Nut Packing Co. 

H. F. Atherton, Attorney 

James M. Beck 

Bertram H. Borden, Merchant 

George F. Brownell, 

Vice-President, Erie R. R. 

George R. Carter, 

Former Governor of Hawaiian I sis. 

C. Ward Crampton, 

Director, Physical Education, N. Y. 

Charles Stewart Davison 

Lee de Forest, Inventor 

Henry M. Earle 



Lyle E. Mahan, Attorney 
Henry E. Meeker, Merchant 
Cleveland Moffett, Author 
Stuart D. Preston, Attorney 
Henry C. Quinby, Attorney 
John J. Riker, Merchant 
Robert C. Sands 
Louis Livingston Seaman, 

Major Medical Corps, U. S. V. 
John Stone Stone, 

Consulting Electrical Engineer 
Julian Street, Author 
Clarence S. Thompson 
Leslie J. Tompkins, 

Asst. District Attorney, N. F. 
James N. Wallace, 

Pres., Central Trust Co. 
Thomas L. Watson, 

Brig-Gen., N. G„ Con., Retired 



EXECUTIVE OFFICERS 

Richard M. Hurd, Chairman, Board of Trustees Robert Appleton, Treasurer 

Henry C. Quinby, Chairman, Executive Committee H. D. Craig, Secretary 

Clarence S. Thompson, Chairman, Press-Committee George Garner, Director, Washington News Bureau 

Carpenter Audit Company, Auditors 



PIN A BILL TO THIS COUPON AND MAIL TODAY 

Make Checks Payable to ROBERT APPLETON, Treasurer 

American Defense Society, Inc., 44 East 23d Street, New York 

Please enroll me as a regular member and send me the Society's 
button and certificate of Membership. I enclose 

$ 1 .00 for Annual Membership 

5 .00 for Sustaining Membership 

10.00 for Subscribing Membership 

25.00 for Contributing Membership 

100.00 for Life Membership 

NAME 

Street Address 

City and State Date 191 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



QDD2333ST7A 



